By Shreya Kapoor

India has a rich history of musical and poetic movements that were explicitly political and iconoclastic in nature. The Bhakti and Sufi movements with prominent figures like Kabirdas, Meerabai, Basavanna, Khwaja Mouinuddin Chisti, Nizam-ud-din Auliya, Rumi, etc spoke of alternative value systems inclusive of the marginalised sections of society. The Bhakti movement arose in response to the orthodox caste and gendered hierarchy of those times. The movement was rooted in the desire for a social and religious order that was truly egalitarian, and did not divide society into high and low castes. The songs and poetry of Ravidas, Kabir, and Basavanna attacked the ritualistic nature of religion, and spiritually uplifted the ignored majority. Meerabai was also a prominent figure of the movement, and since she was a Rajput princess, she also helped uplift people materially. All three spoke against social injustice, and through her spiritual devotion Meera rejected the patriarchal norms of womanhood. 

Similarly, Sufism involves a lot of Qawwalis, that is a form of music not meant for elitist court consumption. It has popular appeal, and is sung in such a way that listeners eventually become active participants of the performance. Sufis also provided a range of social services to the lower castes, and were a mechanism for social mobility through conversion. Sufism’s vision of the world was based on a highly evolved sense of religious pluralism. Even today, Nizam-ud-din Auliya’s shrine in Delhi, Nizamuddin Dargah, is visited by people of all faiths throughout the year and is often involved in relief work during tragedies. 

History shows us that whenever there is social upheaval within society, songs that profess that discontent of the masses are produced. These songs could be used as clarion calls, to describe atrocities, or to record the movement, but they all aim to directly or indirectly attract support for the cause. Music is inherently political, and in such times, the artists dial up the politicisation in their work. A well written, argumentative, news article may be read once- but a song is committed to memory and sung over and over to show one’s dissent. And in today’s India, where the ruling BJP pushes its One Nation, One Identity, One Language, One Culture narrative; the assertion of one’s regional identity or subaltern identity is in itself resistance against the State.    


Examining why the Farmers ‘Protests are being reflected in Punjabi Music

Ever since the three Farm Laws that aim at the corporatisation of agriculture were passed, farmers have been protesting- what started out in predominantly agrarian societies like Punjab and Haryana, the protest movement has now spread to the rest of the country. As Punjab initially became the centre point of an intense protest over the three farm laws, a new wave took over Punjabi music- artists have started to explore issues related to farming in their music, leading to vociferous opposition to the three new farm laws. The involvement of small and major artists and cultural figures who trace their roots to Punjab- film actors, singers, comedians, NRI stars, etc has been very vocal. Pawanjot Kaur, writing for The Wire explains, “Punjab is predominantly an agrarian society. Almost all artists, big or small, come from farming backgrounds. Those who don’t directly belong to the families of farmers have grown-up in the ‘Khet, Kheti, Pind’ (farm, farming, village) set-up of rural Punjab.” Mainstream artists like Diljit Dosanjh started their careers singing Sikh prayer songs at gurudwaras. Kanwar Grewal, on the other hand, asserts that Punjabi artistes recognise the inter-generational work their families have put into the fields, and are thus connected intrinsically to matters of the soil (Kaur, 2020). 

A look at the YouTube pages of most artists would make it clear to the viewer that as an industry, Punjab’s music in the last 8 months is concerned with the Farmers’ Protests in almost 90% of the cases. Many songs have over 4 million views on YouTube, and they mostly draw on Punjab’s rich cultural history. In its effort to discredit the movement, and possibly taking offence at the common thread of anger against ‘Dilli’ that runs through these songs, Delhi based pro-government media has widely (and baselessly) claimed these songs push forward the secessionist ideology of Khalistan. The Government of India, through a legal request to YouTube, has got some songs banned- claiming it propagates ‘Khalistani’ propaganda. One of the songs banned in early February 2021, Ailaan, by Kanwar Grewal, has a chorus that goes like this: “Fasla da faisla kisaan karunga”- which translates to: farmers will make decisions about farming. 


Historical anger against Delhi

Delhi has been the historical seat of power in the Indian subcontinent for the last 800 years. Punjabi songs often paint the farm laws as yet another in a long line of injustices perpetrated on them by Delhi. To do this, they draw heavily on the historical consciousness of Sikhs, that has always been spread through oral traditions and folklore- this is not something actively taught in schools. With the Mughals ruling from Delhi in the 18th Century, then the British Occupation in the 19th and 20th Century, the 1947 Partition, followed by the persecution by Independent India in the 1980s- this is the history that is being used as a background context to fuel the movement’s current momentum. Ranjit Bawa’s Punjab Bolda compares the oppression of the protest to the oppression by the British: “Rab na kare je gora fir aa gaya” (Oh God, are the British back?). Sidhu Moosewala, one of the most popular Punjabi singers today, sings in Panjab, My Motherland: “Keh keh ke balde lainda/ mainu Punjab kehnde aa/ Oh Dilli vi napp lainda/ Mainu Punjab Kehnde aa” (I’ll take revenge by speaking, I’m called Punjab/ I’ll take care of Delhi, I’m called Punjab.)

The video has visuals of Operation Blue Star, when the Indian Army stormed Harminder Sahab, the Sikh shrine in Amritsar. The song is clearly trying to equate the trampling of citizen’s rights in the 1980s with what is happening today, by indirectly comparing one autocratic Prime Minister to another. However, the sentiment here is not of retribution, but of reminding the Centre of the misery its arrogance and past mistakes have brought upon the State. R Nait in Delhi-A sings, “Delhi-ae Punjab naal pange theek ni (Delhi, it is wrong to fight with Punjab)- the underlying meaning here is not that Punjab will revolt if provoked, but a call to the Centre to uphold the federal structure of the country. Historically, Punjab has always resisted BJP’s Hindutva politics, and many are of the opinion that since the BJP does not see Punjab as a votebank, it is indifferent to the resistance being put up. The narrative of Delhi using Punjab’s land and people as per its convenience, without any real regard for their sentiments and livelihoods is what songs by Punjabi artistes capture and reflect. 

However, it is important to note that Delhi in these narratives has always been used to refer to the seat of power, the centre of autocratic rule- never the people of Delhi. With the Farmer’s Protest, an additional target has been added- national media that propagates government narratives and misrepresents and mislabels farmers. Ranjit Bawa sings in Punjab Bolda: “Dhakke Naal Dassi Jaande Attwadi Ajj Da/ National Media Vi Kehda Bhala Jach Da” (They’ve forcefully label us secessionists /Who says National Media is unbiased). The misrepresentation has been executed on such a large scale that protestors boycotted entire TV channels- they refused to talk to them and let them report. The propaganda has been so vile and hurtful that you see posters that read “We are farmers not terrorists”. Why are farmers being forced to prove their loyalty to the nation? 


Using prominent Sikh symbols to defend Secularism  

Although these songs generously employ the use of Sikh symbols, never do they steer into the territory of religious chauvinism. The intention is to use certain elements and teaching of Sikhism to motivate protestors. Moosewalla’s Panjab, My Motherland has lots of shots of flying hawks. Kanwar Grewal and Harf Cheema’s Jawaani Zindabad (Long Live the Youth) video opens with a man with a hawk on his arm. In Sikh culture, keeping a hawk is seen as a sign of bravery. Hawks represent warriors, they are not the kind of animals one can enslave in cages. Unlike eagles and vultures, they don’t feast on decaying flesh- they hunt down and animal, kill it, and then eat the flesh. This fierce independence, assertiveness, and self-reliant nature is a hallmark of Sikhism, one that is reflected through the visuals and the music. The song blends Sikh symbols and teachings with visuals of many different farm union flags, student unions, labour unions and mottos- representing the myriad but united viewpoints and perspectives in the protest. This representation assumes great significance for by asserting the nuances of participation it is a stark contrast to the BJP narratives of singularity. Visuals of Muslims serving biryani to the protestors also shows how the farmers gathered around Delhi are opposing the Modi government’s ideology in every respect. Farmers from different backgrounds- Turbaned Sikhs, Nihang Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims, landless farmers- standing shoulder to shoulder uphold secularism. 


Not an old man’s movement 

Visuals showing the enthusiastic participation of young and old women counter Hindutva’s denial of agency to women, the participation of young and old men engaging in tasks like cutting vegetables and cooking challenge Hindutva’s crisis of masculinity. Posters that read, “I am a farmer’s daughter and I speak English”, challenge mainstream media’s classist and gendered narratives about who is perceived to be a real farmer. It counters the patronizing view of many government supporters who say these people cannot be farmers because they don’t fit their image of an old malnutritioned man in tatters. Youngsters in Punjab have been supporting the protests by making it a part of the most important event in their life- their wedding. They refuse gifts and ask people to donate to the protests instead, the usual Punjabi pop wedding songs are replaced by Punjabi protest music.

With a picture of a man who has attached farmer union flags to his car instead of the ‘just married’ sign, Bawa sings in Punjab Bolda: “Ese nu tan kehnde khoon khola Jawaani da/ Viyaun gya munda laake jhanda kisaani da” (This is what we call the fiery blood of the youth, the young boy took a farmer union flag to his wedding). For instance, Grewal, 35, has been at the protest site since Day 1. His songs have captured the imagination of the protests, and have given voice to its purpose and idealism. As someone who has embraced the Sufi way of life that stresses the oneness of all faiths, his commercial career from its inception has been full of spiritual songs that speak against divisiveness and hatred. He often asks crowds to join in as he sings in order to keep up the momentum. One will see him making speeches that target the youth and caution them against any violence, as that will discredit the movement. 

The unanimous opposition to corporate encroachment on agriculture effectively denies the government equating the nation to corporate interests. The farmers are standing up for not just their livelihoods, but the livelihoods of the entire lower and middle class because they are also fighting for the public distribution system. By refusing to give up control of agriculture they are also fighting against the acceleration of climate change- corporates like Adani and Ambani have no interest or stake in mitigating climate change. Punjabi artists are using their art to transform society- the songs are groovy without making one forget the seriousness of the struggle. Punjabi has always been a very assertive language that does not shy away from saying and portraying things as they are. The assertion and celebration of Punjabiyat is a resistance movement in itself. 


Shreya Kapoor is a student at Christ University in Bangalore India. She has worked in various capacities such as presenter, scriptwriter, cameraperson, and journalist. She also co-authored a research paper titled “Misrepresentation of Mental Health in Indian English Newspapers.